To encourage the parties to reach an agreement so that this obligation is maintained by a new Assembly in a way that takes into account the wishes and sensitivities of the Community. The release of the prisoners continued in 1999. During the Christmas and New Year period, 131 inmates were granted extended home leave. On 16 December, 308 prisoners were released.1 With the release of high-level prisoners, public support for the release of prisoners has declined, according to an opinion poll by the Belfast Telegraph.2 “The Good Friday Agreement – Prisoners”, BBC News, www.bbc.co.uk/northernireland/schools/agreement/policing/prisoner… Twenty years later, that sounds naïve. The agreement eliminated violence in Northern Ireland. But it did not get rid of bigotry. Two decades after the prudent and reckless confidence in some circles of 1998, the two traditions remain rooted. Power-sharing institutions have been in place since the beginning of last year. The last attempt to restart failed in February. Few expect another attempt before the fall.
Disputes over symbols – flags, languages, so-called “legacy” subjects of unrest – remain constant irritations. The resignation and death of the ruling generation, which fought at the peace table in the 1990s, has not been replaced by a more accommodating generation of politicians who have succeeded. Or successor voters; Over the past two decades, the share of Northern Irish votes obtained by non-denominational parties has not changed much compared to the previous 20 years. 4. All decisions are taken by mutual agreement between the two governments. Governments will make determined efforts to resolve disputes between them. There will be no exception to the sovereignty of either government. Unfortunately, it was not possible to reach an agreement on the implementation of the Stormont House agreement, which deals with the legacy of the past, as a time frame for discussions on the new beginning. The Irish and British governments have committed to continue work on this issue in order to create an agreed basis for the creation of a new institutional framework for the management of the past, as envisaged in the Stormont Agreement.
In August, the Republican Socialist Party of Ireland, which belongs to the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) paramilitary group, announced a ceasefire, ending its 23 years of violence. Nevertheless, the group continued to oppose the peace agreement signed in April.5 The ceasefire was maintained for the rest of the year. 3. As a result, all participants reaffirmed their commitment to the complete disarmament of all paramilitary organizations. They also reaffirm their intention to continue to cooperate constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission and to use their influence to secure the dismantling of all paramilitary weapons within two years of the approval of the Agreement, in the north and south, and as part of the implementation of the comprehensive regime. Power-sharing continued until October 15. As the disarming provision of the agreement was not implemented, the DUP filed an application to exclude Sinn Fein from the government. The nationalists argued that they would not disarm under the conditions set by trade unionists, and for this reason the confidence between the Unionists and the nationalists collapsed, leading to the suspension of the Assembly and the Executive from 15 October 2002.